đ· Spain Questions Private Healthcare
Plus: Spain quits Eurovision, RosalĂa tickets sell out fast, and the Attorney General is still guilty.
Madrid | Issue #129
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Healthâs bottom line
đ„ How a hospital meeting turned into a high-octane debate over private healthcare
Itâs called business. Executives at private companies donât normally blink an eye when theyâre caught saying their company needs to cut back services to juice profits. Itâs annoying for the customer, but hey, itâs bidness. But what about when the company is a hospital, and the services save lives? Yeah, things blow up.
Welcome to Ribera Salud. The scandal began when a tape surfaced of the CEO of the healthcare company, which has a contract to run the public hospital in TorrejĂłn (Madrid), telling hospital leaders to cut back on service and extend waiting lists to increase profits. Well, itâs now turned into a full-blown political row that could kill off the entire model of public-private healthcare in Spain. (h/t to El PaĂs for the series of stories on this.)
A recap. On Sept. 25, Pablo Gallart, the freshly promoted CEO of Ribera Salud in Spain (known as an âExcel guyâ in the office), gathered about 20 managers at the TorrejĂłn hospital. In the recording, he complains the hospital is losing money and then gets⊠creative.
Less improvement, please. He tells them that in 2022 and 2023, they made âan effort to reduce waiting listsâ. Now, he says, âAll I ask is: letâs retrace our steps.â And then the money shot â he says they should use their âimaginationâ to spot which procedures donât contribute to the hospitalâs EBITDA and which ones do â and adjust activity accordingly. Translation: Fewer costly patients, more profitable ones. (One example: the hospital apparently rejected out-of-town dialysis patients.)
Quitsville. Four senior clinicians who reported these orders through the companyâs internal ethics channel â including the hospitalâs manager and Riberaâs medical director â were promptly fired. They warned of âmedical malpracticeâ and even orders to reuse single-use catheters up to 10 times; the company denies any wrongdoing. (Maybe one of these four leaked the tape? đ€ Just saying.)
Why now? Because the French parent company of Ribera, Vivalto SantĂ©, reportedly wants âquick gainsâ in Spain ahead of a planned sale of shares in 2026 and is spooked by Franceâs 2027 elections that could put at risk its home business. TorrejĂłn has been losing money for years, despite Madrid pumping in an extra âŹ88m since 2020 and another âŹ32.7m ârescueâ package this July to keep it afloat.
Public-private partnerships. Under the âAlziraâ model Ribera invented in Valencia in the 1990s (when Valencia was run by the center-right PP), the company gets a fixed per-capita fee from the region, regardless of how much it treats; it also gets a bonus for attracting patients from outside the area, and gets penalized for losing locals to other hospitals. Every euro it doesnât spend on patients is a euro that can move to the bottom line. (In the meeting, Gallart explained that there is a direct âelasticâ relationship between the hospitalâs results and the waiting list. But to be fair: TorrejĂłnâs waiting lists are still shorter than those at fully public hospitals.)
The politics. The left saw the tape and thought: Christmas came early đ! PSOE Prime Minister Pedro SĂĄnchez called it âthe PP model: turning health into a business and illness into a money-making opportunityâ. Health Minister MĂłnica GarcĂa says sheâll push a law to end public-private hospital concessions altogether.
PP response. Madrid presi Isabel DĂaz Ayuso (PP) is trying to have it both ways. Sheâs called TorrejĂłnâs care âimpeccableâ, blames the scandal on âinternal squabblesâ and âout-of-context recordingsâ, and waves inspections showing âunbeatableâ waiting lists â while also promising that any malpractice will be âeradicated decisivelyâ and ordering more audits and inspections.
Your lying ears. Riberaâs French bosses now flatly deny having ordered anyone to do anything like lengthen waiting lists or reuse gear, say the leaks are political, and are threatening legal action. Gallart has stepped down from directly managing TorrejĂłn.
Is health just another âbusiness lineâ? In many sectors, private operators really are better at squeezing out waste than the state. But TorrejĂłn is forcing Spain to confront the uncomfortable: what if âefficiencyâ means fewer operations, more delays, and taking the profitable patients while nudging the rest down the road? And if the government decides to end public-private hospital concessions, can it really afford a quality all-public system? (We are not optimistic.)
More news below. đđ
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đŹ Five things to discuss at dinner parties
1. đ Another machismo crisis hits the PSOE
Oh, look â the PSOE is facing another ethics crisis! Apparently everyone Pedro SĂĄnchez has tapped for Secretary of Organization (the partyâs no. 2/3 spot) comes with a side of, um, âtoxic masculinity.â
Both JosĂ© LuĂs Ăbalos and his successor Santos CerdĂĄn have spent time in pre-trial detention in that sprawling corruption case weâve told you about. Ăbalos was also a big fan of prostitutes. And now SĂĄnchez is trying to contain the fallout from another scandal involving the man once expected to replace CerdĂĄn â after it emerged that the PSOE had failed to investigate reports of his also toxic behavior for months.
They call him Paco. Multiple testimonies accuse Francisco âPacoâ Salazar â a longtime party figure and former senior adviser to SĂĄnchez â of systematically sexually harassing the women who worked under him.
Naughty. Salazar, closely linked to SĂĄnchezâs inner circle (a great run for that inner circle lately!), allegedly humiliated younger female staff with sexually explicit comments, abused his position of power, and made the workplace a hostile mess.
Grody. According to written complaints reported by elDiario.es, Salazar allegedly unzipped his pants in front of women, mimicked sexual acts in meetings, obsessed over their bodies and clothing, and made explicit remarks about their sex lives â all while reminding them of his proximity to power and his ability to ruin careers. Sounds like a nice guy đ !
So close! Salazar â set to join a âchoralâ Secretary of Organization team replacing CerdĂĄn â resigned once the accusations became public. The PSOE later admitted that two formal complaints had indeed been filed months earlier through its internal anti-harassment channel.
Um, whoops. Those complaints mysteriously vanished from the system. The party blamed a âtechnical error,â an explanation that did little to calm anger inside or outside the organization, or to really convince anyone.
Containing the fallout. SĂĄnchez admitted this week that the PSOE made âmistakesâ (đ±), conceded there was an âunplanned errorâ in the speed of response, and took responsibility. The party now says it will fully cooperate if victims choose to file criminal complaints. Redemption road? So far, looks bumpy.
Do what I say, not what I do. One week after calling Salazarâs behavior âvomitive,â government spokeswoman Pilar AlegrĂa on Tuesday had to explain away a November lunch she shared with him â months after the complaints and his resignation. She now says it was an âerrorâ and âshouldnât have happened.â (You donât say. đ)
Slightly less feminist than advertised. The scandal has enraged many PSOE women, who are furious that reported abuses were ignored for so long by the party that brands itself Spainâs great feminist vanguard.
The opposition has seized on the scandal. PP leader Alberto NĂșñez FeijĂło accused SĂĄnchez of hypocrisy, arguing that Salazarâs rise and long stay near the center of power exposes a âdouble standardâ in PSOE feminism: âThe PSOE is a dangerous party for women.â
Which is a bitâŠmuch. But yes, thereâs definitely a whiff of hypocrisy in the air.
2. đ§ââïž The Supremos explain why they convicted AG GarcĂa Ortiz, 19 days later
The Tribunal Supremo (aka the Supreme Court) got Spain all wound up on Nov. 20, when it announced it had convicted Attorney General Ălvaro GarcĂa Ortiz for leaking confidential info in the tax fraud case of the boyfriend of Madrid presi Isabel DĂaz Ayuso â and then didnât publish the sentence. âHow dare they!â said those on the left; âItâs perfectly normal, â replied those on the right.
Now, 19 days and 233 pages later, the Supremos (âSupremesâ?) have finally dropped the ruling â including a 53-page dissent â so we can all stop arguing about whether the Supreme Court is a lawfare death squad or the last trench of Spanish democracy and⊠okay, no, weâre absolutely going to keep arguing about that. But itâs the thought that counts.
What the majority says (5â2). According to the five judges who voted to convict (a mix of conservative and centrist blocs), GarcĂa Ortiz did several naughty things â and even though no direct proof survived (more on that below), the court says the circumstantial evidence forms a âsolid, coherent and conclusiveâ picture.
The rush to get the email. After El Mundo published a (false) claim that prosecutors had offered Ayusoâs partner a deal and then withdrawn it for political reasons, GarcĂa Ortiz urgently demanded the internal email chain â dragging the case prosecutor out of a football match â and had the messages forwarded to his private Gmail. One email contained the boyfriendâs lawyer proposing a plea admitting two tax crimes.
The leak. Not long after, the PSOE-friendly Cadena SER published a story that included the text of that email. The court says the document was sent to the SER journalist âeither directly or through a third party, but with the full knowledge and acceptance of GarcĂa Ortiz.â
Wiping his phone. On Oct. 16, the day after the Supreme Court opened proceedings, GarcĂa Ortiz performed what the judges call a âconscientious, doubleâ deletion of his phone and email contents. They note that this was not required by any data-protection rule and infer a deliberate destruction of potentially incriminating material.
Put together â the rush, the timing, the SER scoop, and a mysterious 4-second call from the SER journalist to GarcĂa Ortiz that night â the majority says there is no âreasonable alternative explanation.â
âŠand what the two dissenters say. Left-wing Magistrates Susana Polo and Ana Ferrer read the same script and saw a very different movie.
They argue the conviction rests on âmere suspicionâ and violates the presumption of innocence. If many people had the email â including journalists and people close to GonzĂĄlez Amador â you cannot simply pick the AG as the most convenient culprit.
They trust the journalists, who under oath said GarcĂa Ortiz was not their source and that they had previous access to the email.
Political reactions. Choose your own apocalypse.
PP uncorked the cava â The AG is a âdelincuente,â several leaders repeated with gusto.
PSOE replied, âWe respect [the ruling], but donât share it,â while SĂĄnchez said the one who should apologize is Ayuso. đ€·
Sumar/Podemos deployed the full fascism thesaurus â âmockery,â âauto-de-fe,â an âinquisitorial process without evidenceâ, and even âgolpista.â
And now that weâve all memorized half the Penal Code, can we please return to Spainâs true constitutional battleground: is chocolate con churros breakfast or merienda?
3. đ The day the pollster who was always wrong claimed he was always right
The head of Spainâs official polling institute is not supposed to be a main character. The job description is basically: keep your head down, count things, try to be accurate. JosĂ© FĂ©lix Tezanos, the very partisan ex-PSOE executive Pedro SĂĄnchez put in charge of the CIS, heard that and said: âNi de coñaâ (just look it up!).
This was destined to be hot. So when the PP-controlled Senate hauled him in Tuesday to âinvestigateâ his management of the CIS, it was never going to be a normal hearing. It was Tezanos Live.
At least it started well. He arrived cracking jokes about doing âa survey on good mannersâ, then spent more than two hours behaving less like the neutral head of a public institute and more like a grumpy PSOE deputy.
How do you pick your questions? Asked why the CIS doesnât poll about the broadly disliked 2024 amnesty law that SĂĄnchez introduced in order to get the Catalan separatist support he needed to continue as PM, Tezanos shot back that he also didnât ask âwhy the leader of a certain party goes on holiday on a narcoâs yachtâ, referring to a 1995 photograph of PP boss Nuñez FeijĂło with Marcial Dorado, a friend who was later convicted of trafficking drugs. Which is funny, but not exactly methodological analysis.
Always? When Vox pressed him on why the CIS ânever hits the markâ, Tezanos smiled and dropped the line of the day: âWe always hit the nail on the head.â
He did concede one âoops.â Reminded that in 2021 he described Isabel DĂaz Ayuso as having a âlimited intellectual capacity,â he insisted it âwasnât an insult, just a disqualification,â which he now âregrets.â Sort of.
About that nail. As friend-of-Bubble Kiko Llaneras of El PaĂs has documented (yes, the very same Kiko Llaneras that Tezanos dismissed in the hearing as âan engineer, not a sociologistâ đ), the CIS under Tezanos has overestimated the left in 41 of the 42 elections analyzed since 2018.
Plenty better ones. Private pollsters like 40dB. and the El PaĂs poll-of-polls have been consistently more accurate, while the CIS lives in a parallel (inaccurate) universe where the left almost always does a bit better than in real life.
Itâs not just the numbers. Former members of the CIS advisory council â including old friends and heavyweight sociologists â have filed formal complaints and quietly walked away, lamenting the loss of neutrality and the âCIS de Tezanosâ brand that now clings to the institution like bad cologne. One described it bluntly as âthe least neutral institution in Spain right now.â
Back in the Senate, Tezanos went full drama. He accused the PP of running an âInquisition-styleâ process â âNot even Torquemada would have thought of thisâ â and whipped out a sign: âParliamentary immunity is one thing, but impunity to attack and slander is another.â Later, he produced another sign about political corruption: â88 people have entered Soto del Real prison: 87 from the PP and one from the PSOE.â
Yes, it was subtle like that.
4. đ€ Itâs happened: Spain abandoned Eurovision
Sad news, dear gays readers! Our worst nightmare has finally come to pass: Spain has walked away from Eurovision. The country will not take part in the 2026 edition of the uber-popular song contest, nor will RTVE broadcast the final, after the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) confirmed that Israel will remain in the competition despite the ongoing conflict in Gaza.
No vote, no way. The announcement came moments after an EBU assembly in Geneva declined to hold a vote on Israelâs participation and instead approved a new set of rules aimed at limiting political influence on voting.
ÂĄCiao! Spain, Ireland, the Netherlands, Slovenia all confirmed their withdrawal within hours (Iceland became the fifth country last night), plunging Eurovision into one of the deepest crises in its history (and thereby giving the U.K. and Norway a better chance).
The withdrawal had been brewing for months. RTVEâs board agreed in September that Spain would pull out if Israel was allowed to compete, arguing that the situation in Gaza and Israelâs use of the contest as a political platform made participation untenable.
Spanish officials pushed hard for a secret vote on Israelâs presence, a request that was ultimately denied by the EBU. For RTVE, that refusal was the breaking point. The broadcaster said the move confirmed its fears that Eurovision is no longer a neutral cultural event, but one increasingly shaped by geopolitical pressure.
Government pressure also mattered. In recent days, PM SĂĄnchez and several ministers openly called for Israel to be excluded from international competitions, drawing parallels with Russia.
No way out. So, by the time the EBU meeting took place, Spainâs position was effectively locked in.
For Eurovision, the fallout is significant. Spainâs exit is especially damaging because it belongs to the so-called Big Five â the countries that contribute the most money to the contest and automatically qualify for the final.
Spain puts around âŹ350,000 into the Eurovision budget each year, and the loss of multiple broadcasters means millions more in missing participation fees and broadcasting rights.
Audience reach will also take a hit. Eurovision regularly draws over 160 million viewers worldwide, and Spainâs absence â along with other markets â weakens the eventâs appeal to sponsors, including its main backer, the Israeli cosmetics brand Moroccanoil.
Among Spanish fans, the reaction has been unusually clear-cut. While many regret losing the momentum Spain had built in recent years through the Benidorm Fest, most high-profile fans and commentators have backed RTVEâs decision.
The dominant feeling is that human rights outweigh spectacle, and that withdrawing sends a stronger message than staying silent on stage.
Some even announced they will boycott the 2026 edition entirely, regardless of whether another Spanish channel picks up the broadcast rights. For major fans, that says everything about how serious this rupture feels.
Eurovision was once marketed as a space above politics, born from the ruins of post-war Europe to unite countries through music. Spainâs departure makes clear that, for many, that idea no longer holds.
In the meantime, we still have the Benidorm Fest coming up in February.
5.đĄ RosalĂaâs tour pre-sale sells out in under 2 hours and fans are furious
RosalĂa broke the internet again. The pre-sale for her upcoming LUX Tour in Spain opened on Tuesday morning and sold out in under two hours, long before most fans ever saw a ticket option.
What was supposed to be an early-access window for a limited group quickly turned into another chaotic scramble that left tens of thousands of people empty-handed and furious.
The concerts themselves are already locked into the Spanish pop calendar. RosalĂa will perform eight dates split between Madrid and Barcelona in spring 2026. LUX will be her first major tour since Motomami â and the live debut of an album that has been surrounded by massive hype.
What triggered the backlash is that this wasnât even the general sale. Tuesdayâs tickets were only available through two pre-sale channels.
Prices ranged from âŹ51 to nearly âŹ300 for standard tickets and availability was released in staggered waves throughout the morning.
In theory, the system was designed to ease pressure. In practice, it did the opposite. (Are we still pretending to be surprised whenever this happens?)
From early morning, more than 50,000 people were stuck in virtual queues, watching reassuring messages promising availability, until tickets suddenly disappeared.
Social media quickly filled with screenshots of queue positions in the tens of thousands, failed payments, site crashes and users being redirected to âplatinumâ tickets priced far above what many were willing to pay. Oh, and resale listings began circulating online (of course!)
Fans were mad. On X, thousands of posts accused Ticketmaster of enabling scalping, complaining about opaque pricing and questioning how a pre-sale could sell out so completely.
Some fans joked that getting tickets was like the âHunger Gamesâ. Others said the experience had genuinely soured their excitement for the tour.
Get ready, Katniss Everdeen. The general sale begins today, and expectations are already grim. Tickets will again be released gradually through Ticketmaster, Live Nation, and El Corte Inglés, with a limit of four per buyer.
So log in early, pre-load payment details, donât refresh, and use only one device. Even so, most expect another sell-out in minutes rather than hours.
May the odds be ever in your favor.
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