🇨🇳 Pedro Sánchez, China's favorite European
Plus: That big immigrant regularization, Pope visit friction...and Los Javis in Cannes!
Madrid | Issue #143
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Grab the popcorn
🇨🇳 Sánchez visits China again. And again.
Back in town. Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez is back in Beijing. Again. But this time, the context couldn’t be more, ahem, loaded. As Spain’s relationship with the U.S. continues to sour over the war in Iran and broader geopolitical tensions, the PM has doubled down on a different strategy: strengthening ties with China and positioning Spain as a key player in a rapidly shifting global order.
Hold on to your butts. This is Sánchez’s fourth trip to China in just over three years, a pace of diplomatic courtship that would be eyebrow-raising in normal times. Over a packed few days, he delivered a major speech at the “Harvard of the Communist Party”, met with President Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People, signed cooperation agreements with Prime Minister Li Qiang, and toured tech giant Xiaomi (because apparently no trip to China is complete without touring a tech campus and pretending you understand the supply chain).
A busy agenda. Officially, Sánchez’s visit was about strengthening economic ties, attracting Chinese investment, and boosting Spanish exports, especially in sectors like agriculture, infrastructure, and green technology.
Spain, like much of Europe, depends on China for key materials and renewable tech. But politically, this trip is about something bigger: positioning Spain as a “middle power” that can operate beyond the traditional U.S.-EU axis, especially at a time when Washington is increasingly unpredictable.
Not a one-off. Spain has quietly become one of the most China-friendly countries in the EU. While others in Europe flirt with a tougher stance, Sánchez has leaned into engagement, even as critics warn the relationship is deeply unbalanced, with China dominating trade. However, Madrid sees Beijing as both an economic opportunity and a geopolitical necessity.
In Beijing, Sánchez didn’t hold back — well, at least not entirely. He called on Beijing to “do more” to uphold international law and help end conflicts from Gaza to Ukraine.
He also delivered a message on trade: Europe has opened up, and now it’s China’s turn. “We need China to open up so Europe doesn’t have to close itself,” he said, calling the current trade deficit “unsustainable.”
Really, Spain needs a trade upgrade. Spain’s trade deficit with China jumped to €42bn last year — accounting for 74% of Spain's total deficit. A central aim of the visit was to sign a High Quality Investment Agreement that, Bloomberg notes, aims to ensure that Chinese investments in Spain involve technology transfers to local companies, contracts for local suppliers, and jobs for locals. (🤞 on that.)
BFFs 4 ever. The real headline came in his meeting with Xi. Without naming Trump, both leaders took aim at what they see as a world drifting toward unilateralism, or, as Xi put it, “the law of the jungle.”
Sánchez echoed that language, pushing for a stronger multilateral system where the EU and China cooperate to ease global tensions.
Sánchez’s outspoken “No to war” stance, especially his refusal to support U.S. military operations in Iran, has made him something of an unlikely hero in China.
Chinese officials and media have praised his position, portraying him as a leader willing to stand up to Washington and as being on the “right side of history”. More importantly, Beijing increasingly sees him as a bridge between China and Brussels (a role that, notably, parts of the EU now seem to support).
Sánchez is trying to redefine Spain’s place in the world, somewhere between Brussels, Washington, and Beijing — and a lot closer to the latter. Whether this is visionary or reckless probably depends on how the next six months of global trade politics (and the Orange Menace's whims) unfold.
More news below. 👇👇
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💬 Five things to discuss at dinner parties
1. 🛂 The government fired the starting gun on its massive immigrant regularization — and it’s already got troubles
Spain’s “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses” moment is finally here. On Tuesday, the PSOE-led coalition approved a royal decree that will regularize an estimated 500,000 undocumented immigrants.
We covered the mechanics in depth when the first draft dropped, so here’s the short version. Think tank Funcas estimates there are 840,000 undocumented immigrants in Spain; to qualify, you need to have lived here for at least five months as of Dec. 31, 2025, and have a clean record; and the application window runs until June 30. (Read this if you want more.)
Now, the fun part. The decree was pushed through as a real decreto rather than a real decreto-ley — a crucial distinction, because the latter requires congressional ratification within 30 days, while the former bypasses parliament entirely. No debate, no opposition input, no vote. It’s essentially payment to hard-left Podemos for support on other issues — and the reason the opposition is heading straight to the Supreme Court.
Politics first. You will not be shocked to learn that Vox hates it, and that the PP feels obliged to perform outrage lest Vox hoover up its voters.
PP boss Alberto Núñez Feijóo said “immigration in bulk” (as opposed to case-by-case) “has no precedent in any European country” and could become “the gateway for illegality.”
Madrid’s Isabel Díaz Ayuso announced she’d appeal to the Supreme Court over the supposedly catastrophic effects on public services. (Worth noting: both PP and PSOE governments have done big regularizations before, with no sudden service collapse to speak of.)
Vox’s Santiago Abascal went ominous on X, writing, “The people won’t forgive you. Sooner or later you’ll have to pay for it.” His party also said it would appeal to the Supreme Court.
Then there’s the fine print. El Consejo de Estado — the advisory body that checks legislation for constitutional compliance — found plenty to complain about.
The most eyebrow-raising problem with the original draft? It let applicants self-certify that they had no criminal record. As in, “Trust me.” (A bit of an oversight!) The government has since amended this to require a police report; if an applicant’s home country is slow to provide one, Spain will follow up through diplomatic channels. Problem solved, technically.
And pity the poor bureaucrats. Half a million new applications are incoming, with no meaningful increase in the number of people to process them. Immigration officers across Spain have threatened to strike starting April 21 — the day after in-person appointments open — arguing the system simply isn’t ready for the flood.
Our take? It’s a messy law, rushed through with minimal debate. But getting half a million people out of the shadows — where they are routinely exploited — is a good thing. (Sánchez’s own defense of the decree is here.)
2. ⚖️ PM Sánchez’s wife faces four charges and is on the brink of trial
Here we go. The investigation into PM Sánchez’s wife, Begoña Gómez, has taken a decisive turn. After two years of legal drama, Judge Juan Carlos Peinado has formally proposed sending her to trial — in Spanish legal terms, the step right before oral proceedings begin.
4 crimes. In a 39-page ruling, he argues there are sufficient indications to charge her with four crimes: influence peddling, corruption in business, embezzlement of public funds, and misappropriation of a trademark. (One earlier accusation, professional misconduct, has been dropped).
Wait… how did we get here? The case dates back to April 2024, when a complaint was filed by the pseudo-union Manos Limpias, a far-right organization known for filing politically charged lawsuits that usually end in nothing.
That initial complaint snowballed, with additional accusations from hard-right groups like Hazte Oír and Vox turning what started as a fringe legal move into a full-blown political and judicial saga.
At the center of it all is Judge Peinado himself, who has become almost as controversial as the case. His investigation has been repeatedly corrected by higher courts, including the Audiencia Provincial, which has overturned several of his decisions and limited the scope of the case.
He has attempted to expand the investigation in multiple directions — from Air Europa’s bailout to implicating ministers — mostly without success. Add unusually political language in his rulings (including comparisons of the Sánchez government to “absolutist regimes”), and you get a judge who has become part of the story.
The substance of the case. Peinado argues that Gómez used her position as the PM’s wife to advance her professional activities.
The alleged influence peddling centers on her role as a university chair at the Complutense and her relationships with companies that later secured public contracts.
The corruption in business charge relates to how she allegedly negotiated sponsorships with major firms.
The embezzlement angle focuses on a Moncloa-funded adviser who, according to the judge, worked partly on Gómez’s private projects.
The misappropriation claim revolves around a software project developed with public and private resources that was later registered under her name.
But wait, Gómez is not on trial yet. For that to happen, the accusers must formally request a trial within five days. If they do, Peinado can issue an order to open oral proceedings.
From there, the case would still face scrutiny from the Audiencia Provincial, which has already shown it is willing to rein in parts of this investigation.
The government, unsurprisingly, is not buying any of this. Government sources speak of “indignation,” accusing the judge of timing his decisions to coincide with Sánchez’s international trips (this one dropped while the PM was in China).
Justice Minister Félix Bolaños went further, saying the investigation has “embarrassed many judges” and caused “irreparable damage” to the justice system.
Sánchez himself has stuck to a more measured line: “I ask the justice system to deliver justice,” while insisting his wife is innocent.
So what happens next? After the five-day window closes, expect appeals, procedural fights, and, if the trial moves forward, a media circus.
Realistically, we won’t know whether Gómez actually faces trial for months, and possibly not before Peinado himself retires in September. We’ll keep you posted.
3. ✝️ We’re fighting about the Pope’s visit because… reasons
Unlike a certain Orange Menace, Spain isn’t fighting with the pope. That wouldn’t be original and, plus, we’re classy. But that doesn’t mean we’re above fighting about the pope. Oh no, we’re getting all hot and bothered before the holy fella’s June 6-12 visit to Spain.
Shocker, we know. You will be surprised, we’re sure, to learn that the throwdown over Pope Leo XIV’s visit is all sorts of political and reflects the usual left/right fault lines in Spanish society (which are deep but no, not as deep as the onion/no onion in the tortilla thing).
Leo’s coming at a time of religious change. The power in Spain’s church has begun to shift away from the conservative clergy who’ve run it for, like, ever.
The influence of the Conferencia Episcopal Española (CEE) — the administrative institution in Spain — over the PP has faded; its relationship with the government has soured during negotiations over reparations for the church’s massive child sex abuse scandal; and a new generation of TikTok Catholic influencers — and not, you know, priests — have become the voice of the youth.
Plus, church leaders have faced fire from far-right Catholics (in Vox and beyond) for being okay with renaming the Valley of the Fallen during the time of Leo's predecessor, Francis. And Leo himself has taken many firm stands on the need to treat illegal immigrants with respect (not exactly a right-wing talking point).
So there have been plenty of dustups before Leo’s arrival. Let us count the ways.
His arrival. El País reports that the conservative side of the church would like him to arrive down the Calle de Alcalá in an alabaster chariot drawn by a team of angels (the chariot is a joke!), and pass through the Puerta de Alcalá in Barrio Salamanca (aka the rich neighborhood). Left-leaning clergy say it’s clear he should arrive through Carabanchel (aka the not-so-rich neighborhood), where he would presumably wash the feet of the poor and marginalized of the zone (plus the hipsters who’ve recently colonized the area). Okay, the hipster feet thing is our idea.
Sponsors? Clergy and others not aligned with the CEE are asking why the group is raising sponsorship money to finance the €15 million trip — for a donation of €500,000 to €1m, you get a private audience with Leo — when the Spanish church’s income was €1.4bn in 2024. (We’re just happy to see that Mahou has already signed up as a sponsor, so there will be plenty of beer.)
Addressing parliament. There are discussions about having Pope Leo speak to parliament, which would be a first for a pope. But there are worries that Vox might stand him up — not only has he spoken out in defense of immigrants, but he has also warned of far-right groups trying to use the church to further their aims.
Whether you’re a believer or not, this visit will be interesting. Just remember to refer to him in Spanish as el Papa, not la Papa, which would be a female pope — unlikely — or a South American potato.
4. 💉 The ‘Caretaker of Olot’ will now be a she — but still in jail
You know how sometimes bad memories return when you least expect or want them? Well, that happened this week when the Catalan newspaper El Punt Avui reported that Joan Vila, a serial killer serving a 127-year sentence at Puig de les Basses prison, is transitioning to a woman and henceforth will be known as Aida.
Excuse me? Yes, really. Vila — a nursing assistant nicknamed “The Caretaker of Olot” for murdering 11 elderly patients at the Fundació La Caritat nursing home in Olot, making him Spain’s #1 serial killer of the 21st century — is already undergoing hormone treatment, has moved to the women’s block, and is awaiting surgery.
So who is the “Caretaker of Olot”? Between August 2009 and October 2010, Vila killed 11 patients aged 80 to 96, using methods that escalated in cruelty: first a cocktail of barbiturates dissolved in water, then insulin injections for diabetic patients, and finally — in the last five days of his killing spree — forcing victims to drink bleach or injecting corrosive substances directly into their mouths.
Caught by chance. Vila was arrested almost by accident, after a coroner refused to certify one death as natural because the victim couldn’t have ingested that much cleaning fluid by herself. Vila confessed almost immediately — eventually to all 11 murders — saying the deaths made him feel “as if he were God.” In 2013, he was sentenced to 127 years, with a maximum of 40 to be served. He has been inside since October 2010 and has not had a single day’s leave.
Worth noting: During the investigation, Vila told authorities he had always felt like “a woman trapped in a man’s body” — so this is not exactly a bolt from the blue.
The transition began over a year ago with psychological support and, according to El País, with input from feminist organizations (though El País insists Joan will become Aura, not Aida, so take that as you will).
And no, this is not a get-out-of-jail scheme. Legal experts and the victims’ families’ lawyers are unanimous that the transition has zero effect on the sentence. The court that convicted Vila and the Supreme Court that confirmed the verdict remain unmoved.
Not going anywhere. Previous attempts by Vila’s defense to ease his prison regime — seeking “third-degree” status and day passes — were already rejected by the courts, which noted that Vila can appear charming but has a capacity for manipulation. The only procedural step required is to notify the court of the name change. That’s it.
Inspiration. Two books have already been published about Joan/Aida. Maybe this will inspire a third.
5. 🇫🇷 Spain takes Cannes: 3 films, 1 Palme d’Or dream
Spanish cinema has decided to show up at the Cannes Film Festival this year and not just politely wave from the sidelines. For the first time ever, three Spanish films are competing for the Palme d’Or, the festival’s top prize and basically the World Cup of auteur cinema.
We’re talking about Pedro Almodóvar (obvi), Rodrigo Sorogoyen, and the duo Javier Calvo and Javier Ambrossi (aka the Javis, who recently broke up their personal relationship but remain business partners), all in the main competition. That’s right, the main event.
Yes, this is a big deal. The Palme d’Or competition usually includes around 20 films, and it’s historically dominated by French and American cinema. Getting one film in is already a win. Getting three? That’s borderline suspicious.
Spain has never pulled this off before, which makes 2026 feel like a full-blown moment. Even Cannes boss Thierry Frémaux admitted as much: the selection comes from over 2,500 films. So this is quite the statement.
The lineup reads like a generational handover. Almodóvar returns with Amarga Navidad, his most intimate film yet; a story about grief, depression, and the blurred line between fiction and personal truth.
He himself admitted he’s been losing his usual “pudor,” leaning more into autofiction: “There’s a lot of fiction, but nothing is invented.” Translation: this one is about him.
Then there’s Sorogoyen with El ser querido, making his official competition debut after years of climbing the Cannes ladder. The film follows a troubled reunion between a celebrated film director (played by Javier Bardem) and his estranged daughter, an actress stuck in a dead-end career.
What starts as a professional opportunity turns into an emotional minefield. Sorogoyen called the moment “historic” and pointed out what everyone is thinking: that Spanish cinema has been building toward this for years.
And finally, the wildcard: the Javis with La Bola Negra. It’s their first time in the Cannes competition, and they’ve gone straight to the top tier, which almost never happens.
The film, starring Penélope Cruz and Glenn Close, and inspired by an unfinished work by Federico García Lorca, follows three interconnected stories of gay men across different periods in Spanish history. It’s ambitious, emotional, and very them.
Three directors, three styles, three generations. Even Almodóvar framed it as a “day of celebration” for Spanish cinema, especially at a time when auteur filmmaking needs visibility.
The Javis, meanwhile, summed it up more bluntly. They’re just happy to be there, alongside filmmakers they grew up learning from.
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